*First appeared in the May 7 edition of the Laurel Chronicle
“Every small business is one lawsuit away from bankruptcy,” proclaimed then-gubernatorial candidate Haley Barbour on the 2003 campaign trail. Promising “more and better jobs” by eliminating Mississippi’s position as a judicial hellhole, Barbour’s message of tort reform resonated with voters.
In 2003, I of course had no idea what a tort was. A dessert, maybe? It sounded delicious. Desserts weren’t often in need of “reform,” so I did some digging. Here’s what I found.
Jackpot justice had developed a niche in Mississippi. Our legal climate was scaring off potential employers and threatening the livelihood of existing businesses. As more lawsuits were filed, fewer doctors stayed in the state. Medical facilities were shuttering their doors due to rising insurance costs. In the Delta, one hospital even closed its emergency room because the county government couldn’t pay its medical liability bills.
Frivolous lawsuits had given Mississippi’s economic and healthcare climate a black-eye at a time when the state could least afford it. In 2003, the state was in debt, and jobs were being lost at an alarming pace. Without aggressive action to reform the state’s civil justice laws, Mississippi’s future hung in the balance.
These were the high stakes of the governor’s race in 2003, so in looking back it’s easy to understand why voters were passionate about the issue. Gov. Barbour kept his promise and successfully convinced the Legislature to pass what the Wall Street Journal called “the most comprehensive tort reform law in the nation.”
This year marks the ten-year anniversary of the Tort Reform Law of 2004, which is probably a good time for all you non-attorneys to ask: What does tort reform really have to do with me?
I’ve hinted at the broader implications of lawsuit abuse. Of particular interest to Mississippians, especially in the days of Obamacare, is the impact of lawsuit abuse on our healthcare system. Without appropriate laws in place, doctors and hospitals couldn’t afford to stay in Mississippi. Former state senator Neely Carlton told a group Monday that, prior to tort reform’s passage, more than 500 Mississippi doctors had let their licenses expire in one year and that at least seven Mississippi counties didn’t have a single OB/GYN.
After the new laws were passed, however, insurance rates dropped, new insurance companies entered the market, and the largest health insurance writer in the state began writing new policies. The comprehensive tort reform law ended the healthcare crisis caused by lawsuit abuse.
In a post-recession environment where job growth still lags, the economic impact of civil justice reform can’t be overlooked. Prior to tort reform, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce ranked Mississippi 50th for its unfair legal climate several years in a row. Businesses not only had to weigh the impact of the “lawsuit abuse tax” (costs of hiring lawyers to defend against frivolous lawsuits), they also had to factor in the nuisance value of settling out of court with people filing these lawsuits.
Mississippians for Economic Progress previously estimated that lawsuit abuse had cost Mississippi about 10,000 jobs and another $1,000 per household in economic impact.
Tort reform stopped the hemorrhaging. Businesses begin to view Mississippi as a viable place to do business. Toyota, which has created thousands of jobs in northeast Mississippi, said it would not have considered locating in Mississippi without tort reform. Other major companies have located or expanded operations here in Mississippi. (GE Aviation expanded operations to include a plant in Ellisville. I’m not saying tort reform was the primary cause, but it certainly didn’t hurt.)
Legal issues remain hugely important to job creation. The 2013 Global Manufacturing Competitiveness Index, a collaboration between Deloitte and the U.S. Council on Competitiveness, studied more than 550 CEOs and senior manufacturing leaders. They found that legal and regulatory concerns were the fifth highest drivers of competitiveness, outranking other factors such as physical infrastructure, energy costs, or even government investment.
Mississippi has enjoyed a pro-growth, business friendly legal environment since the passage of tort reform. Leaders would be unwise to deviate from the proven results of these laws.
But don’t take my word for it. Actual experts on the issue will gather in Jackson to commemorate the ten-year anniversary of the law during the “Mississippi Tort Reform: Ten Years After” conference on May 14. The conference will highlight successes of the law, as well as future risks. Anyone interested in attending the event can register online – simply google the name of the event or visit the Mississippi Economic Council’s website and look under “What’s Happening” (www.msmec.com).
"MISSISSIPPI TORT REFORM: TEN YEARS AFTER" - FREE TO ATTEND. REGISTER HERE.
A listing of columns that focus on public policy, politics, and all things Mississippi. For 2013-2014, these columns appeared on a weekly basis in the Laurel Chronicle newspaper. For 2021 going forward, these columns appear in the Laurel Leader-Call.
Showing posts with label Governor Haley Barbour. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Governor Haley Barbour. Show all posts
Wednesday, May 7, 2014
Thursday, January 9, 2014
Correctional system costly, but reforms possible
*First appeared in the Jan. 9 edition of the Laurel Chronicle
In December 2013, the Mississippi Corrections and Criminal Justice Task Force released a series of recommendations in a 24-page report (which, in case you'd like some light reading, can be found at www.legislature.ms.gov). The legislatively-created task force was charged with developing policies that improve public safety, ensure clarity in sentencing, and control corrections costs.
Legislators recognized the ballooning costs of the correctional system, which spurred the creation of this task force. Task force studies show Mississippi's prison population has grown by 17 percent over the last ten years, with our state having the second-highest imprisonment rate in the country. "Absent policy change...Mississippi will need to house an additional 1,990 inmates by 2024," and that growth will require more than a quarter of a billion dollars - $266 million - in new spending, based on task force estimates.
It doesn't take a mathematician to understand that's a lot of money.
The task force recommendations have received bipartisan support, and most every member of the state's legislative leadership has embraced the notion of adopting some, if not all, of these changes to curb exploding costs.
The recommendations to control prison population and growth include expanding judicial discretion in imposing alternatives to incarceration, ensuring clarity and certainty in sentencing, focusing prison space on violent and career criminals, and strengthening supervision and intervention. Check out the full report for the 19 specific recommendations.
This isn't the first time lawmakers have grappled with rising costs at the Department of Corrections. In fact, it reminds me of - guess who - former Governor Haley Barbour and his "Operation: Streamline" initiative to eliminate the state’s more than $700 million budget shortfall over a two-year period. Doing so would require getting a handle on skyrocketing prison costs.
Part of Governor Barbour's "Operation: Streamline" plan was to ask the Legislature to give management authority and flexibility to departments and agencies that report directly to him. The Legislature approved this extra flexibility for the Dept. of Corrections, giving them freedom from State Personnel Board regulations.
What happened? Dept. of Corrections Commissioner Chris Epps used that authority to make significant changes. According to a 2004 Dept. of Corrections press release, the agency streamlined day-to-day operations by reducing staff "who were not coming to work consistently," eliminating unnecessary positions, and reorganizing operations. In addition to personnel actions, the Dept. of Corrections also removed 81 vehicles from its fleet of operation and also eliminated usage of 52 cell phones and pagers.
In his 2005 State of the State address, Gov. Barbour said the Corrections Department spent "5 percent less than last year - not 5 percent less than predicted, but 5 percent less than in FY 2004! And this despite a 3 percent increase in the number of prisoners incarcerated. That is a $15 million savings in one year by the department."
It was an impressive accomplishment made possible by cooperation between the Legislature, Governor Barbour, and the Dept. of Corrections. Commissioner Epps, who has served under multiple governors and still holds the same position at the department, deserves a lot of credit.
Mississippi's correctional system is in need of reform, and the current programs are too costly. But as we've seen before, smart reforms to cut costs without jeopardizing safety are possible to achieve in a relatively short amount of time.
In December 2013, the Mississippi Corrections and Criminal Justice Task Force released a series of recommendations in a 24-page report (which, in case you'd like some light reading, can be found at www.legislature.ms.gov). The legislatively-created task force was charged with developing policies that improve public safety, ensure clarity in sentencing, and control corrections costs.
Legislators recognized the ballooning costs of the correctional system, which spurred the creation of this task force. Task force studies show Mississippi's prison population has grown by 17 percent over the last ten years, with our state having the second-highest imprisonment rate in the country. "Absent policy change...Mississippi will need to house an additional 1,990 inmates by 2024," and that growth will require more than a quarter of a billion dollars - $266 million - in new spending, based on task force estimates.
It doesn't take a mathematician to understand that's a lot of money.
The task force recommendations have received bipartisan support, and most every member of the state's legislative leadership has embraced the notion of adopting some, if not all, of these changes to curb exploding costs.
The recommendations to control prison population and growth include expanding judicial discretion in imposing alternatives to incarceration, ensuring clarity and certainty in sentencing, focusing prison space on violent and career criminals, and strengthening supervision and intervention. Check out the full report for the 19 specific recommendations.
This isn't the first time lawmakers have grappled with rising costs at the Department of Corrections. In fact, it reminds me of - guess who - former Governor Haley Barbour and his "Operation: Streamline" initiative to eliminate the state’s more than $700 million budget shortfall over a two-year period. Doing so would require getting a handle on skyrocketing prison costs.
Part of Governor Barbour's "Operation: Streamline" plan was to ask the Legislature to give management authority and flexibility to departments and agencies that report directly to him. The Legislature approved this extra flexibility for the Dept. of Corrections, giving them freedom from State Personnel Board regulations.
What happened? Dept. of Corrections Commissioner Chris Epps used that authority to make significant changes. According to a 2004 Dept. of Corrections press release, the agency streamlined day-to-day operations by reducing staff "who were not coming to work consistently," eliminating unnecessary positions, and reorganizing operations. In addition to personnel actions, the Dept. of Corrections also removed 81 vehicles from its fleet of operation and also eliminated usage of 52 cell phones and pagers.
In his 2005 State of the State address, Gov. Barbour said the Corrections Department spent "5 percent less than last year - not 5 percent less than predicted, but 5 percent less than in FY 2004! And this despite a 3 percent increase in the number of prisoners incarcerated. That is a $15 million savings in one year by the department."
It was an impressive accomplishment made possible by cooperation between the Legislature, Governor Barbour, and the Dept. of Corrections. Commissioner Epps, who has served under multiple governors and still holds the same position at the department, deserves a lot of credit.
Mississippi's correctional system is in need of reform, and the current programs are too costly. But as we've seen before, smart reforms to cut costs without jeopardizing safety are possible to achieve in a relatively short amount of time.
Thursday, November 28, 2013
Giving thanks for the civic-minded
*First appeared in the Thanksgiving Day edition of the Laurel Chronicle
As we approach this year’s Turkey Day, it seems appropriate to write about thanksgiving – not necessarily the holiday, but rather the mindset. As anyone who works in politics knows, it’s easy to get jaded by this business. Too often I am grouchy about my work: Frustrated by one (or both!) political parties; annoyed by ill-conceived (in my opinion) legislation; and irritated by political antics.
Yet in some deluded, perhaps misguided way, I have no desire to leave political work behind. It’s a great business (notwithstanding the aforementioned frustrations) for many reasons, chief among them is the opportunity to work alongside some really fantastic people who, regardless of political affiliation, care about the welfare of our state and nation.
If you’ve read my columns, you already know the high regard I have for Mississippi’s former chief executive. From Desoto to Decatur, from Gloster to Gulfport, Mississippians saw these skills on display during Governor Barbour’s masterful handling of the many disasters which plagued – almost literally – his two terms (Katrina, BP oil spill, Miss. River flooding, the collapse of the state and national economies, etc.).
I’m thankful to have had an opportunity to work alongside not only the Governor but also my fellow staff members during those years. We truly were a family – sometimes dysfunctional, but always in lockstep on helping our paterfamilias, the Governor, move the state forward.
I’m grateful for the many friendships I have with folks who don’t always share my government philosophy. I’d mention them by name, but for fear of diminishing their Democrat street cred, let me simply say thank you to my across-the-aisle buddies who humor my visions of small government grandeur without telling me where to stick it.
I am increasingly thankful for the young minds that opt to get involved in government. Contrary to popular belief, government isn’t something you care about upon reaching adulthood, whatever that means. As a friend once told me, “most people don’t realize that their [U.S.] government is being run by a bunch of twenty-somethings.” He’s right, mostly. Who else is going to work all hours of the day and night, for no respect and even less money? Twenty-somethings. That’s who. (Disclaimer: A lot of times these staffers doing the grunt work of government have an inflated sense of self, but take it easy on them. They’ve haven’t slept much since taking the job.)
Speaking of our youth (a term to which I continue to cling), I’m excited about the efforts of a group of twenty- and thirty-somethings to bring a little policy talk to networking circles. A group of us are establishing the America’s Future Foundation – Jackson Chapter to provide an opportunity for young professionals to both network and learn about how government impacts our daily lives. We’ll focus on economic issues, and our kick-off event is Dec. 17 in Jackson. The topic? Mississippi’s alcohol laws and how the free market intertwines with your drinking choices, of course. (If you’re interested in learning more, look us up on Facebook.)
It’s easy to get sidetracked by the small landmines of daily living, regardless of your career choice. Cliché or not, we can all agree that we are ever-so-lucky to live in America, a nation that values freedom, individual responsibility, and an inherent pursuit of happiness. The notion of American exceptionalism has gotten a few bruises lately (I’m looking at you, NSA…), but I’m confident the Red, White, and Blue will keep on keepin’ on, as they say. If not, then we can all blame that one bad Democrat President. (That’s a joke, people. Mostly.)
Now that I’ve given thanks to the many things (and people) I am lucky to work with, for, or even against, let’s eat some turkey. Happy Thanksgiving, y’all.
As we approach this year’s Turkey Day, it seems appropriate to write about thanksgiving – not necessarily the holiday, but rather the mindset. As anyone who works in politics knows, it’s easy to get jaded by this business. Too often I am grouchy about my work: Frustrated by one (or both!) political parties; annoyed by ill-conceived (in my opinion) legislation; and irritated by political antics.
Yet in some deluded, perhaps misguided way, I have no desire to leave political work behind. It’s a great business (notwithstanding the aforementioned frustrations) for many reasons, chief among them is the opportunity to work alongside some really fantastic people who, regardless of political affiliation, care about the welfare of our state and nation.
If you’ve read my columns, you already know the high regard I have for Mississippi’s former chief executive. From Desoto to Decatur, from Gloster to Gulfport, Mississippians saw these skills on display during Governor Barbour’s masterful handling of the many disasters which plagued – almost literally – his two terms (Katrina, BP oil spill, Miss. River flooding, the collapse of the state and national economies, etc.).
I’m thankful to have had an opportunity to work alongside not only the Governor but also my fellow staff members during those years. We truly were a family – sometimes dysfunctional, but always in lockstep on helping our paterfamilias, the Governor, move the state forward.
I’m grateful for the many friendships I have with folks who don’t always share my government philosophy. I’d mention them by name, but for fear of diminishing their Democrat street cred, let me simply say thank you to my across-the-aisle buddies who humor my visions of small government grandeur without telling me where to stick it.
I am increasingly thankful for the young minds that opt to get involved in government. Contrary to popular belief, government isn’t something you care about upon reaching adulthood, whatever that means. As a friend once told me, “most people don’t realize that their [U.S.] government is being run by a bunch of twenty-somethings.” He’s right, mostly. Who else is going to work all hours of the day and night, for no respect and even less money? Twenty-somethings. That’s who. (Disclaimer: A lot of times these staffers doing the grunt work of government have an inflated sense of self, but take it easy on them. They’ve haven’t slept much since taking the job.)
Speaking of our youth (a term to which I continue to cling), I’m excited about the efforts of a group of twenty- and thirty-somethings to bring a little policy talk to networking circles. A group of us are establishing the America’s Future Foundation – Jackson Chapter to provide an opportunity for young professionals to both network and learn about how government impacts our daily lives. We’ll focus on economic issues, and our kick-off event is Dec. 17 in Jackson. The topic? Mississippi’s alcohol laws and how the free market intertwines with your drinking choices, of course. (If you’re interested in learning more, look us up on Facebook.)
It’s easy to get sidetracked by the small landmines of daily living, regardless of your career choice. Cliché or not, we can all agree that we are ever-so-lucky to live in America, a nation that values freedom, individual responsibility, and an inherent pursuit of happiness. The notion of American exceptionalism has gotten a few bruises lately (I’m looking at you, NSA…), but I’m confident the Red, White, and Blue will keep on keepin’ on, as they say. If not, then we can all blame that one bad Democrat President. (That’s a joke, people. Mostly.)
Now that I’ve given thanks to the many things (and people) I am lucky to work with, for, or even against, let’s eat some turkey. Happy Thanksgiving, y’all.
Thursday, November 21, 2013
Mississippi STEPS up as national model for ‘governing in prose’
*First appeared in the Nov. 21 edition of the Laurel Chronicle
Y’all remember a few years ago when the President and Congress tried to stimulate the nation’s economy through the “stimulus package,” right?
You may recall the stimulus – officially named the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, or ARRA – totaled some $787 billion in government spending (the total was later revised upward to about $820 billion).
It was costly and controversial. It represented the ultimate manifestation of the Democrats’ government dream: Lots and lots of new (and, to me, quite unnecessary) spending. For example, the Census Bureau, which was prepping for the decennial count in 2010, got an extra billion dollars.
I didn’t support the logic behind the so-called “economic stimulus package,” and I still think it was mostly a waste of lawmakers’ time and taxpayers’ money. With that said, here’s the rub: What Congress dictates as spending policy, states must implement as programs. So that’s what we did here in the Magnolia State.
One part of the massive stimulus bill included funding for the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF, formerly referred to as “welfare”) Emergency Contingency Fund to help states either expand existing subsidized employment programs or to create new ones. Mississippi didn’t have an existing subsidized employment program but was eligible to draw down roughly $52 million in no-strings-attached federal funds to be used only for that purpose.
While Republican Gov. Haley Barbour had a philosophical opposition to the stimulus package, he likewise had a strong reputation as a pragmatist. This is an instance where that pragmatism would be on display for the state and nation.
Gov. Barbour chose to utilize these federal dollars as part of the state’s newly-created subsidized employment program dubbed “STEPS” (a short acronym for a lengthy program title: “Subsidized Transitional Employment Programs and Services).
The STEPS program, jointly operated by the Mississippi Departments of Human Services and Employment Security, provided a wage subsidy to employers who hired a specific population of folks (particularly, low-income Mississippians who also had children). The STEPS moniker alluded to a hallmark of the program, which was the “stepping” down of wage subsidies (from 100 percent to 25 percent) over a six-month period.
Unlike some programs in other states, STEPS only provided wage subsidies to new hires in high-growth and sustainable private sector jobs (with the exception of public hospitals, which were also eligible), with a particular emphasis on small businesses.
The main goal of the program was to help both employers hire workers during the economic downturn while facilitating valuable on-the-job training opportunities for workers so they could ultimately land unsubsidized positions. Toward that end, employers who participated in the program had to demonstrate a commitment to retain new hires after the STEPS subsidy ended.
Despite some challenges not mentioned here, the program was, in my opinion, a pretty darn good success story.
But don’t just take my word for it; Mississippi STEPS garnered national attention. The New York Times wrote fondly of the innovative STEPS program, while nonpartisan research groups like the Pew Center examined Mississippi STEPS as a case study. More recently, the Rockefeller Foundation funded a retrospective study of select subsidized employment programs, including Mississippi STEPS.
The study found that despite its relatively short duration, STEPS reached an “impressive scale,” with nearly 1,000 employers and 3,228 individuals participating. About half the subsidized workers were retained after the subsidy period, a much higher percentage than in other study sites. Further, STEPS participants also saw similar employment gains regardless of race – an “important achievement given differences in unemployment rates statewide between Black and White workers.”
Participating employers fell into four main sectors: Manufacturing, wholesale and retail trade, hospitality and leisure, and social services. Eighty percent of employers said that subsidized workers were “equally or more skilled than their usual hires” and just as dependable. The year following the STEPS program, participants saw their average annual earnings rise by 34 percent. Among the long-term unemployed, annual earnings increased substantially from $934 the year prior to the STEPS program to $8,040 the year after the program ended.
The STEPS program provided a meaningful opportunity for many Mississippians, especially those with significant barriers to employment, to increase earnings and get one step closer to self-sufficiency. The program wasn’t perfect, of course, and I wouldn’t argue with those who say funding for subsidized employment programs isn’t a proper expenditure of taxpayer dollars.
But Congress gave us lemons, and we made some pretty tasty lemonade-spiked sweet tea. My point in all of this is that there is a difference in philosophical opposition to legislation and responsible governance. The stimulus package passed Congress and was signed into law by President Obama. It wasn’t something the Republican Governor of Mississippi supported, but opposition to the law didn’t mean ignoring opportunities to help some of the neediest Mississippians find work experience, either.
And that’s what we did. It’s like they always say – you campaign in poetry but govern in prose. The STEPS program was an exercise in prose writing for the Barbour administration.
Y’all remember a few years ago when the President and Congress tried to stimulate the nation’s economy through the “stimulus package,” right?
You may recall the stimulus – officially named the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, or ARRA – totaled some $787 billion in government spending (the total was later revised upward to about $820 billion).
It was costly and controversial. It represented the ultimate manifestation of the Democrats’ government dream: Lots and lots of new (and, to me, quite unnecessary) spending. For example, the Census Bureau, which was prepping for the decennial count in 2010, got an extra billion dollars.
I didn’t support the logic behind the so-called “economic stimulus package,” and I still think it was mostly a waste of lawmakers’ time and taxpayers’ money. With that said, here’s the rub: What Congress dictates as spending policy, states must implement as programs. So that’s what we did here in the Magnolia State.
One part of the massive stimulus bill included funding for the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF, formerly referred to as “welfare”) Emergency Contingency Fund to help states either expand existing subsidized employment programs or to create new ones. Mississippi didn’t have an existing subsidized employment program but was eligible to draw down roughly $52 million in no-strings-attached federal funds to be used only for that purpose.
While Republican Gov. Haley Barbour had a philosophical opposition to the stimulus package, he likewise had a strong reputation as a pragmatist. This is an instance where that pragmatism would be on display for the state and nation.
Gov. Barbour chose to utilize these federal dollars as part of the state’s newly-created subsidized employment program dubbed “STEPS” (a short acronym for a lengthy program title: “Subsidized Transitional Employment Programs and Services).
The STEPS program, jointly operated by the Mississippi Departments of Human Services and Employment Security, provided a wage subsidy to employers who hired a specific population of folks (particularly, low-income Mississippians who also had children). The STEPS moniker alluded to a hallmark of the program, which was the “stepping” down of wage subsidies (from 100 percent to 25 percent) over a six-month period.
Unlike some programs in other states, STEPS only provided wage subsidies to new hires in high-growth and sustainable private sector jobs (with the exception of public hospitals, which were also eligible), with a particular emphasis on small businesses.
The main goal of the program was to help both employers hire workers during the economic downturn while facilitating valuable on-the-job training opportunities for workers so they could ultimately land unsubsidized positions. Toward that end, employers who participated in the program had to demonstrate a commitment to retain new hires after the STEPS subsidy ended.
Despite some challenges not mentioned here, the program was, in my opinion, a pretty darn good success story.
But don’t just take my word for it; Mississippi STEPS garnered national attention. The New York Times wrote fondly of the innovative STEPS program, while nonpartisan research groups like the Pew Center examined Mississippi STEPS as a case study. More recently, the Rockefeller Foundation funded a retrospective study of select subsidized employment programs, including Mississippi STEPS.
The study found that despite its relatively short duration, STEPS reached an “impressive scale,” with nearly 1,000 employers and 3,228 individuals participating. About half the subsidized workers were retained after the subsidy period, a much higher percentage than in other study sites. Further, STEPS participants also saw similar employment gains regardless of race – an “important achievement given differences in unemployment rates statewide between Black and White workers.”
Participating employers fell into four main sectors: Manufacturing, wholesale and retail trade, hospitality and leisure, and social services. Eighty percent of employers said that subsidized workers were “equally or more skilled than their usual hires” and just as dependable. The year following the STEPS program, participants saw their average annual earnings rise by 34 percent. Among the long-term unemployed, annual earnings increased substantially from $934 the year prior to the STEPS program to $8,040 the year after the program ended.
The STEPS program provided a meaningful opportunity for many Mississippians, especially those with significant barriers to employment, to increase earnings and get one step closer to self-sufficiency. The program wasn’t perfect, of course, and I wouldn’t argue with those who say funding for subsidized employment programs isn’t a proper expenditure of taxpayer dollars.
But Congress gave us lemons, and we made some pretty tasty lemonade-spiked sweet tea. My point in all of this is that there is a difference in philosophical opposition to legislation and responsible governance. The stimulus package passed Congress and was signed into law by President Obama. It wasn’t something the Republican Governor of Mississippi supported, but opposition to the law didn’t mean ignoring opportunities to help some of the neediest Mississippians find work experience, either.
And that’s what we did. It’s like they always say – you campaign in poetry but govern in prose. The STEPS program was an exercise in prose writing for the Barbour administration.
Thursday, August 29, 2013
Miss. has much to be proud of on anniversary of civil rights speech, Hurricane Katrina
*First appeared in the August 29, 2013, edition of the Laurel Chronicle
As I considered the subject matter for this week’s column, a couple of things struck me as particularly relevant. Fifty years ago this week, Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., delivered his famous “I Have a Dream” speech to a crowd of some 200,000 demonstrators in Washington, D.C. on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial.
I also realized that Mississippi has another anniversary August 29, the date on which Hurricane Katrina wreaked “utter devastation” on the Mississippi Gulf Coast eight years ago. Like so many Mississippians, I remember Katrina - and the mind-numbing aftermath - like it was yesterday.
As my mind wandered, I began to find parallels between the two anniversaries.
In August 1963, our nation was in the midst of a freedom movement to make good on Rev. King's “promissory note,” that proverbial check from the United States to citizens of all races for justice and equality. The speech was especially relevant to Mississippi, which was at that time under the leadership of an outspoken segregationist governor (Gov. Ross Barnett).
As a friend of mine noted, we tend to vaguely recall the “I have a dream” portion of the speech but overlook (or simply don’t know) that in his remarks, Rev. King cited our beloved state - the one with two humpbacks and twice as many crooked letters - as a hotbed of racial injustice...and opportunity.
“I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice,” declared an authoritative Rev. King in his historic remarks.
What Rev. King - the man whose being is synonymous with the civil rights movement - saw in Mississippi was a place where hatred existed, but so did a great opportunity for healing.
Rev. King’s remarks were not “an end, but a beginning” of a sea change in public policy and opinion. His comments, coupled with the courage of others who fought for civil rights in the years prior, changed hearts and minds…though not immediately. A year after the speech, three civil rights workers (James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner) were slain in Neshoba County. Countless others were beaten, threatened, and even killed on their journey for justice. Yet progress prevailed at its slow, steady pace.
A 1963 Mississippi is not reflective of a 2013 Mississippi, a state which will celebrate the groundbreaking of the Mississippi Civil Rights Museum in late October; a state which welcomed Freedom Riders in 2011 to celebrate the 50th anniversary of their equality rides with events across the state and a formal apology from former Gov. Haley Barbour; a state which has the highest number of African-American elected officials in the nation. We are a state shaped by our past, but not defined by it.
And so it is on this eighth anniversary of Katrina that Mississippians of all races have again shown the world we are not defined by circumstances. Hurricane Katrina devastated homes and families; it destroyed infrastructure and fundamentally changed life as we knew it, particularly along our Gulf Coast. It did not, however, weaken the resolve of our people.
This mega-storm – the largest natural disaster in American history – struck Mississippi, a state rife with poverty and a shameful history of racism. Some thought that of all the states, we were the least prepared to handle such a disaster.
But like Rev. King’s speech, Katrina cast a spotlight on Mississippi. And, like fifty years ago, we had a choice: We could live up to their low expectations or seize this opportunity to change the way the world viewed the Hospitality State.
Mississippians banded together and made our choice. Blacks and whites, rich and poor, rural and suburban; none of these things mattered. Neighbors helped neighbors, regardless of race or economic status. Hospitality was extended between families whose antecedents fifty years ago might have refused to share restrooms. Our shared history made us a strong people – strong enough to recover from the devastating impacts of Katrina.
One could argue that our shared struggles uniquely prepared us to deal with Hurricane Katrina, in that we as a state are accustomed to overcoming seemingly impossible odds. The storm that fundamentally changed Mississippi, fundamentally changed the way the world views us…in the same way our progress in race relations has changed the way we view ourselves.
William Faulkner’s often quoted as saying “to understand the world, you must first understand a place like Mississippi.” Rev. King understood Mississippi as a place of great trouble but of equally great opportunity, and he was right. Today, I couldn’t be prouder that the state I call home has, in the face of great adversity, seized opportunities to create a place where we have come to realize that our destiny is tied up with others; that our freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of others; and that, as the Rev. King said, “we cannot walk alone.”
As I considered the subject matter for this week’s column, a couple of things struck me as particularly relevant. Fifty years ago this week, Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., delivered his famous “I Have a Dream” speech to a crowd of some 200,000 demonstrators in Washington, D.C. on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial.
I also realized that Mississippi has another anniversary August 29, the date on which Hurricane Katrina wreaked “utter devastation” on the Mississippi Gulf Coast eight years ago. Like so many Mississippians, I remember Katrina - and the mind-numbing aftermath - like it was yesterday.
As my mind wandered, I began to find parallels between the two anniversaries.
In August 1963, our nation was in the midst of a freedom movement to make good on Rev. King's “promissory note,” that proverbial check from the United States to citizens of all races for justice and equality. The speech was especially relevant to Mississippi, which was at that time under the leadership of an outspoken segregationist governor (Gov. Ross Barnett).
As a friend of mine noted, we tend to vaguely recall the “I have a dream” portion of the speech but overlook (or simply don’t know) that in his remarks, Rev. King cited our beloved state - the one with two humpbacks and twice as many crooked letters - as a hotbed of racial injustice...and opportunity.
“I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice,” declared an authoritative Rev. King in his historic remarks.
What Rev. King - the man whose being is synonymous with the civil rights movement - saw in Mississippi was a place where hatred existed, but so did a great opportunity for healing.
Rev. King’s remarks were not “an end, but a beginning” of a sea change in public policy and opinion. His comments, coupled with the courage of others who fought for civil rights in the years prior, changed hearts and minds…though not immediately. A year after the speech, three civil rights workers (James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner) were slain in Neshoba County. Countless others were beaten, threatened, and even killed on their journey for justice. Yet progress prevailed at its slow, steady pace.
A 1963 Mississippi is not reflective of a 2013 Mississippi, a state which will celebrate the groundbreaking of the Mississippi Civil Rights Museum in late October; a state which welcomed Freedom Riders in 2011 to celebrate the 50th anniversary of their equality rides with events across the state and a formal apology from former Gov. Haley Barbour; a state which has the highest number of African-American elected officials in the nation. We are a state shaped by our past, but not defined by it.
And so it is on this eighth anniversary of Katrina that Mississippians of all races have again shown the world we are not defined by circumstances. Hurricane Katrina devastated homes and families; it destroyed infrastructure and fundamentally changed life as we knew it, particularly along our Gulf Coast. It did not, however, weaken the resolve of our people.
This mega-storm – the largest natural disaster in American history – struck Mississippi, a state rife with poverty and a shameful history of racism. Some thought that of all the states, we were the least prepared to handle such a disaster.
But like Rev. King’s speech, Katrina cast a spotlight on Mississippi. And, like fifty years ago, we had a choice: We could live up to their low expectations or seize this opportunity to change the way the world viewed the Hospitality State.
Mississippians banded together and made our choice. Blacks and whites, rich and poor, rural and suburban; none of these things mattered. Neighbors helped neighbors, regardless of race or economic status. Hospitality was extended between families whose antecedents fifty years ago might have refused to share restrooms. Our shared history made us a strong people – strong enough to recover from the devastating impacts of Katrina.
One could argue that our shared struggles uniquely prepared us to deal with Hurricane Katrina, in that we as a state are accustomed to overcoming seemingly impossible odds. The storm that fundamentally changed Mississippi, fundamentally changed the way the world views us…in the same way our progress in race relations has changed the way we view ourselves.
William Faulkner’s often quoted as saying “to understand the world, you must first understand a place like Mississippi.” Rev. King understood Mississippi as a place of great trouble but of equally great opportunity, and he was right. Today, I couldn’t be prouder that the state I call home has, in the face of great adversity, seized opportunities to create a place where we have come to realize that our destiny is tied up with others; that our freedom is inextricably bound to the freedom of others; and that, as the Rev. King said, “we cannot walk alone.”
Thursday, August 15, 2013
Pension reforms about math, not politics
*First appeared in the August 15, 2013, edition of the Laurel Chronicle.
This week, the American Legislative Exchange Council released its new report, “Keeping the Promise: State Solutions for Government Pension Reform.” I’m a bit of a pension nerd, so I combed through the report with great interest.
Pension obligations can wreak havoc on state and local budgets, as we’ve seen with some high-profile examples (Detroit, for instance, which recently filed bankruptcy). The pension crisis cities and states face arose from decades of bad decisions, including not setting aside enough money each year to pay for retirement costs as well as increasing plan benefits without a corresponding increase in plan revenues.
Couple this with the 2008 market crash in which many retirement plans lost 20 percent of their funds…and it’s not hard to see how we got to the point where pension liabilities across the nation total up to $4 trillion. According to ALEC estimates, that’s enough money to cover a $60,000 salary and benefits package for 625,000 to 1.2 million new elementary school teachers for 20 years.
What struck me as especially poignant in the pension study were the following statements: “[The] pension problem need not be a political debate over the size or scope of government; it is a problem of math. The numbers of today’s pension plans do not add up, and observers on the right, on the left, and in the center agree on this point.”
I couldn’t agree more.
A few years ago, Gov. Haley Barbour tasked a group of business leaders, pension experts, lawyers, retirees, and legislators with looking at Mississippi’s state retirement system. The commission reviewed the retirement system with an eye toward ensuring its long-term health and sustainability, making reasonable recommendations to trim costs without jeopardizing retiree benefits.
But to hear Democrats talk about it, you would have thought that mean old Republican governor was trying to take Grandma Suzie’s retirement check and leave her destitute on the street.
Hogwash.
Let’s examine the facts. The state’s retirement system is not on the verge of collapse, but the trends are worrisome. Because the Legislature increased benefits in the late 1990s and early 2000s but failed to pay for these new costs, the plan has become excessively expensive. The system is costing taxpayers close to $900 million this year (that’s more money than it takes to fund Medicaid), and plan actuaries forecast no taxpayer relief in the foreseeable future. The 2008 market crash only compounded the problem, meaning taxpayers are on the hook for skyrocketing pension costs unless changes are made.
That’s not my opinion; that’s just math.
Reining in the costs of a retirement system is one of the most important challenges facing lawmakers today because everyone has a stake in the problem. As the ALEC report notes, “workers and retirees have a stake. People who pay high taxes are affected, as are people who pay nothing at all. The problem touches all Americans…Why? Money that is obligated to pay for pensions cannot be used to reduce tax rates or fund public programs.”
That’s exactly how big-time Democrat and Rhode Island Treasurer Gina Raimondo sees it. She campaigned on pension reform, successfully pushed it through the state’s general assembly, and defended it as a moral imperative. When asked by a disgruntled employee about her views, she responded, “[Is] it morally right to do nothing and not provide services to the state’s most vulnerable citizens? Yes, sir, I think this [reform] is moral.”
(As an aside, I heard Treasurer Raimondo speak about pension reform during a Pew Center conference a few years ago. Her determination to put Rhode Island on solid financial footing was impressive, and I expect she’ll be on the political scene for quite some time.)
If we don’t rein in the costs of our own state retirement system, I fear we’ll be left without options. To paraphrase Mayor Rahm Emanuel, we’ll have to pick between pensions and police officers; pensions or paved streets; or pensions and public health. That’s not fair to taxpayers, and it certainly isn’t fair to retirees.
As the ALEC report indicates, fixing the problem of unfunded pension liabilities is a difficult task. Legislators must overcome both technical and political challenges; they must understand arcane financial concepts and respond to statutory law, case law, and even constitutional limits. But ultimately, the question of pensions is not just an “obscure topic of interest to actuaries and accountants. It is, rather, an issue with widespread consequences.”
I certainly hope Mississippians – legislators, retirees, state employees, businessmen and women, soccer moms, and even high school graduates – recognize the benefits and necessity of reining in the costs of the state’s retirement plan. Pension reform isn’t about cutting benefits, but rather ensuring retirees get the benefits they were promised. At the end of the day, keeping our promises means making tweaks to the existing program to ensure retirees, state employees, and taxpayers are treated fairly.
This isn’t about some conservative philosophy, nor is it aligned with Democrat principles. This is about protecting the financial security of our retirees, our taxpayers, and our state.
NOTE: Here is a link to the full ALEC report.
This week, the American Legislative Exchange Council released its new report, “Keeping the Promise: State Solutions for Government Pension Reform.” I’m a bit of a pension nerd, so I combed through the report with great interest.
Pension obligations can wreak havoc on state and local budgets, as we’ve seen with some high-profile examples (Detroit, for instance, which recently filed bankruptcy). The pension crisis cities and states face arose from decades of bad decisions, including not setting aside enough money each year to pay for retirement costs as well as increasing plan benefits without a corresponding increase in plan revenues.
Couple this with the 2008 market crash in which many retirement plans lost 20 percent of their funds…and it’s not hard to see how we got to the point where pension liabilities across the nation total up to $4 trillion. According to ALEC estimates, that’s enough money to cover a $60,000 salary and benefits package for 625,000 to 1.2 million new elementary school teachers for 20 years.
What struck me as especially poignant in the pension study were the following statements: “[The] pension problem need not be a political debate over the size or scope of government; it is a problem of math. The numbers of today’s pension plans do not add up, and observers on the right, on the left, and in the center agree on this point.”
I couldn’t agree more.
A few years ago, Gov. Haley Barbour tasked a group of business leaders, pension experts, lawyers, retirees, and legislators with looking at Mississippi’s state retirement system. The commission reviewed the retirement system with an eye toward ensuring its long-term health and sustainability, making reasonable recommendations to trim costs without jeopardizing retiree benefits.
But to hear Democrats talk about it, you would have thought that mean old Republican governor was trying to take Grandma Suzie’s retirement check and leave her destitute on the street.
Hogwash.
Let’s examine the facts. The state’s retirement system is not on the verge of collapse, but the trends are worrisome. Because the Legislature increased benefits in the late 1990s and early 2000s but failed to pay for these new costs, the plan has become excessively expensive. The system is costing taxpayers close to $900 million this year (that’s more money than it takes to fund Medicaid), and plan actuaries forecast no taxpayer relief in the foreseeable future. The 2008 market crash only compounded the problem, meaning taxpayers are on the hook for skyrocketing pension costs unless changes are made.
That’s not my opinion; that’s just math.
Reining in the costs of a retirement system is one of the most important challenges facing lawmakers today because everyone has a stake in the problem. As the ALEC report notes, “workers and retirees have a stake. People who pay high taxes are affected, as are people who pay nothing at all. The problem touches all Americans…Why? Money that is obligated to pay for pensions cannot be used to reduce tax rates or fund public programs.”
That’s exactly how big-time Democrat and Rhode Island Treasurer Gina Raimondo sees it. She campaigned on pension reform, successfully pushed it through the state’s general assembly, and defended it as a moral imperative. When asked by a disgruntled employee about her views, she responded, “[Is] it morally right to do nothing and not provide services to the state’s most vulnerable citizens? Yes, sir, I think this [reform] is moral.”
(As an aside, I heard Treasurer Raimondo speak about pension reform during a Pew Center conference a few years ago. Her determination to put Rhode Island on solid financial footing was impressive, and I expect she’ll be on the political scene for quite some time.)
If we don’t rein in the costs of our own state retirement system, I fear we’ll be left without options. To paraphrase Mayor Rahm Emanuel, we’ll have to pick between pensions and police officers; pensions or paved streets; or pensions and public health. That’s not fair to taxpayers, and it certainly isn’t fair to retirees.
As the ALEC report indicates, fixing the problem of unfunded pension liabilities is a difficult task. Legislators must overcome both technical and political challenges; they must understand arcane financial concepts and respond to statutory law, case law, and even constitutional limits. But ultimately, the question of pensions is not just an “obscure topic of interest to actuaries and accountants. It is, rather, an issue with widespread consequences.”
I certainly hope Mississippians – legislators, retirees, state employees, businessmen and women, soccer moms, and even high school graduates – recognize the benefits and necessity of reining in the costs of the state’s retirement plan. Pension reform isn’t about cutting benefits, but rather ensuring retirees get the benefits they were promised. At the end of the day, keeping our promises means making tweaks to the existing program to ensure retirees, state employees, and taxpayers are treated fairly.
This isn’t about some conservative philosophy, nor is it aligned with Democrat principles. This is about protecting the financial security of our retirees, our taxpayers, and our state.
NOTE: Here is a link to the full ALEC report.
Thursday, August 8, 2013
Experts Agree: Reforming government no easy task
*First appeared in the August 8, 2013 edition of the Laurel Chronicle.
A few weeks ago, I set out on a mission to Jackson’s rare and used bookstore (for reference, google “Choctaw Books”) to find something truly unique. While I found something pretty special, I don’t know that I’d call it “unique.”
My purchase was the Report on a Survey of the Organization and Administration of State and County Government in Mississippi, a nearly 1,000-page bound report conducted by the Brookings Institution way back in 1932. (You may recognize this name, as Brookings was the first private organization devoted to the fact-based study of national public policy issues. Today, the organization is heralded as one of the foremost advocates for effective and efficient public service and government operations.)
In the early 30s, the Mississippi Legislature created a citizen-led Research Commission (which included Laurel-native Wallace B. Rogers) to conduct “expert investigation into, and study and analysis of all conditions of the state.” In turn, the Research Commission asked the Brookings Institution to study the state’s processes and make recommendations on reform.
I was reminded of all this last week when I read an editorial calling for state government to increase accountability, efficiency, and transparency. It’s a novel idea, but certainly not a new - nor a unique - one.
The editorial gave a few examples of areas that need reform, including the more than 200 agencies, boards, and commissions that are part of Mississippi's government largesse. Similarly, Brookings opined in 1932 that one of the chief defects in Mississippi's structure was the “scattering of related functions among many offices due to the creation of numerous independent boards and departments with little references to previously established offices...Mississippi finds itself possessed of a large number of more or less independent and uncorrelated agencies.”
Instead of consolidating boards and commissions, as Brookings recommended, eight decades later we’ve seen our boards and commissions grow by 150 percent than at the time the Brookings report was published.
Other recommendations from the 1932 report include converting elected positions, such as State Treasurer and Highway Commissioners, to gubernatorially-appointed positions requiring consent of the Senate.
Another novel, yet historically doomed, idea. Candidates, legislators, and lobbyists have been resistant to this concept.
Mississippians are used to voting on, well, everything. We may not know what the Treasurer does, but we sure as heck want to cast our vote for him or her. It gives us the feeling that "we're in control" but also drives up government costs. For example, our highway system is governed by three commissioners elected from their respective districts. This process can result in fragmented oversight and an apparent lack of accountability (which is likely why most every other state has transitioned to an appointed, not elected, highway commissioner system).
Of course, others have recommended major reforms as well. Especially with the onslaught of the recession, Gov. Barbour proposed major structural changes to the way government operates in order to reduce costs while increasing efficiencies. While some cost-cutting measures were adopted, most of these bold changes met great resistance in the Legislature.
They say the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over, yet expecting a different outcome. With that in mind, it seems those of us who believe government can be reformed have a touch of insanity.
But, I think there’s good reason to keep the reform mindset. Unlike when Gov. Barbour was in office, Republicans now have control of the Legislature and have promised real change. Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves appointed Sen. Nancy Collins to head up a newly-created Accountability, Efficiency, and Transparency committee to review creative reform ideas. The House of Representatives created a similar committee, and Gov. Bryant has voiced his support for government reforms.
So far, the Republican-led Legislature has made good on its promise, passing landmark legislation to consolidate certain struggling school districts and reduce the amount of vehicles owned by the state by prohibiting unnecessary car purchases. Together, these laws have saved taxpayer dollars while promoting efficiency.
Let’s hope our policymakers – legislators, agency heads, and government employees – heed the 1932 warning issued by the Brookings Institution that still applies today: “Mississippi can poorly afford to sanction worn-out methods, cumbersome organization, and diffusion of responsibility in its government simply because these conditions have prevailed for years.”
A few weeks ago, I set out on a mission to Jackson’s rare and used bookstore (for reference, google “Choctaw Books”) to find something truly unique. While I found something pretty special, I don’t know that I’d call it “unique.”
My purchase was the Report on a Survey of the Organization and Administration of State and County Government in Mississippi, a nearly 1,000-page bound report conducted by the Brookings Institution way back in 1932. (You may recognize this name, as Brookings was the first private organization devoted to the fact-based study of national public policy issues. Today, the organization is heralded as one of the foremost advocates for effective and efficient public service and government operations.)
In the early 30s, the Mississippi Legislature created a citizen-led Research Commission (which included Laurel-native Wallace B. Rogers) to conduct “expert investigation into, and study and analysis of all conditions of the state.” In turn, the Research Commission asked the Brookings Institution to study the state’s processes and make recommendations on reform.
I was reminded of all this last week when I read an editorial calling for state government to increase accountability, efficiency, and transparency. It’s a novel idea, but certainly not a new - nor a unique - one.
The editorial gave a few examples of areas that need reform, including the more than 200 agencies, boards, and commissions that are part of Mississippi's government largesse. Similarly, Brookings opined in 1932 that one of the chief defects in Mississippi's structure was the “scattering of related functions among many offices due to the creation of numerous independent boards and departments with little references to previously established offices...Mississippi finds itself possessed of a large number of more or less independent and uncorrelated agencies.”
Instead of consolidating boards and commissions, as Brookings recommended, eight decades later we’ve seen our boards and commissions grow by 150 percent than at the time the Brookings report was published.
Other recommendations from the 1932 report include converting elected positions, such as State Treasurer and Highway Commissioners, to gubernatorially-appointed positions requiring consent of the Senate.
Another novel, yet historically doomed, idea. Candidates, legislators, and lobbyists have been resistant to this concept.
Mississippians are used to voting on, well, everything. We may not know what the Treasurer does, but we sure as heck want to cast our vote for him or her. It gives us the feeling that "we're in control" but also drives up government costs. For example, our highway system is governed by three commissioners elected from their respective districts. This process can result in fragmented oversight and an apparent lack of accountability (which is likely why most every other state has transitioned to an appointed, not elected, highway commissioner system).
Of course, others have recommended major reforms as well. Especially with the onslaught of the recession, Gov. Barbour proposed major structural changes to the way government operates in order to reduce costs while increasing efficiencies. While some cost-cutting measures were adopted, most of these bold changes met great resistance in the Legislature.
They say the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over, yet expecting a different outcome. With that in mind, it seems those of us who believe government can be reformed have a touch of insanity.
But, I think there’s good reason to keep the reform mindset. Unlike when Gov. Barbour was in office, Republicans now have control of the Legislature and have promised real change. Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves appointed Sen. Nancy Collins to head up a newly-created Accountability, Efficiency, and Transparency committee to review creative reform ideas. The House of Representatives created a similar committee, and Gov. Bryant has voiced his support for government reforms.
So far, the Republican-led Legislature has made good on its promise, passing landmark legislation to consolidate certain struggling school districts and reduce the amount of vehicles owned by the state by prohibiting unnecessary car purchases. Together, these laws have saved taxpayer dollars while promoting efficiency.
Let’s hope our policymakers – legislators, agency heads, and government employees – heed the 1932 warning issued by the Brookings Institution that still applies today: “Mississippi can poorly afford to sanction worn-out methods, cumbersome organization, and diffusion of responsibility in its government simply because these conditions have prevailed for years.”
Wednesday, July 24, 2013
Red dirt, political speeches, and cabin dwelling means it's Fair time again
First appeared in the July 25, 2013, of the Laurel Chronicle.
It's that time of year again - The Fair!
No, not the one with the corn dog stands where folks like my brother serve you fried meat on a stick, nor the kind of carnival where the laffy taffy is served up to people like my mother who love its taste but hate its can't-get-it-out-of-your-mouth chewiness.
I'm talking about THE Fair - the one where you're more likely to see a politician's face on a stick (being used to fan his or her political supporters) than fried meat. But hey, this fair has that too.
I'm talking about the Neshoba County Fair, of course, an event revered among the state's political class. The yearly trek to this Mississippi political mecca is made by nearly everyone who considers themselves to be even remotely politically inclined.
When I first dabbled my toe into the state's political waters (see: Barbour For Governor 2003), I had no idea what this supposed "fair" was. To use an old Haley Barbour phrase, I was just a pup back then.
My, how times have changed. These days, it's a rare year when you don't see me clearing my calendar to attend at least one day of the Fair.
The Fair is the hottest (both figuratively and literally) place to be in politics, especially during an election year. In attendance are the Who's Who of political operatives and their elected official bosses; in fact, I'd bet one of the requirements for making the "who's who" list is mandatory attendance. You simply can't be involved in Mississippi politics without a love of the Neshoba County Fair and its hot, steamy, and dusty fairgrounds.
While off-year fairs like this one are sure to be enjoyable, the election year fairs are not to be missed. Incumbent politicians and candidates flood the fairgrounds with campaign push cards, yard signs, and throngs of youngsters wearing "vote for my guy" t-shirts. Sometimes debates between candidates are held. Press conferences are scheduled on the front porches of fair cabins. If you're really lucky, you'll get to see a fight or two between rival campaign staffers who might have sipped a little too much from their red Dixie cups.
The Fair is where political legends are made - or, at the very least, where controversies take hold. At this gathering, politicians are expected to get their hands as dirty as your feet after a day's worth of trekking through the red clay. (Side note: If my years of experience is any indication, Neshoba County has more red clay per capita than any other county in this state, let alone nation.)
One of my favorite off-the-cuff comments is now a bit of Fair legend. It came from - who else? - former Governor Haley Barbour.
In his 2007 re-election campaign, Gov. Barbour was challenged by lawyer John Arthur Eaves, Jr., who was wealthy enough to finance his own campaign but not politically savvy enough to run an effective one. To make it for its lack of effectiveness, the Eaves campaign often made outrageous claims about Gov. Barbour's record in office, going so far as to liken the governor to Biblical "moneychangers in the temple." (I never fully understood that one.)
According to some news reports, the Eaves campaign allegedly told supporters that Eaves' new wife (from his second marriage) would "restore dignity to the governor's mansion."
By the time the Fair rolled around, well, let's just say the Barbour campaign had had enough of this slander, and the Governor's opening comments reflected this frustration. Here's the way it went down:
Governor Barbour, in typical fashion, opened his speech with something along the lines of "Hi, I'm Haley Barbour." He then brought former First Lady Marsha Barbour on stage, thanked her for their 35 years of marriage, and said the following: "That's right. I got my trophy wife the first time."
Bazinga!
The crowd went wild, as I recall, and I watched with both amusement and fascination. Admittedly, there were mixed reactions to this statement later. But it really brought back the flair - the thunder, if you will - of Fair speeches made by politicians from days gone by. Politics isn't for the faint of heart, and speeches at Neshoba aren't for those who are easily offended.
Now, I highly doubt we'll witness any real verbal jabs this year. I chuckled when I read a reporter's comment on Twitter a few days ago, in which she laments that "unless we can get a cage match" between politicians, the Fair "looks a little pale this year."
In case you go - and I highly recommend it - here are a few things to know. First, know your schedule (which can be found on neshobacountyfair.org). The political speaking lasts a couple of days, and you can catch folks like Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves and State Auditor Stacey Pickering on Wednesday, July 31. Gov. Bryant along with Speaker Philip Gunn will be speaking the following day, along with a litany of other elected officials.
Second, make friends. Fair regulars all know each other (I'm not kidding), especially those who have cabins on the fairgrounds. Cabin dwellers have established Fair communities closer knit than their neighborhoods back home. Endeavor to make friends at the Fair because it's easy...and beneficial. You'll find kindred spirits in fellow fair-goers and, if you're lucky, free food and drink. After all, that is the Fair way.
Third, despite my gushing about Fair politics, this event really is for everyone, not just the politicos. The Fair's schedule includes arts and craft shows, horse races, a beauty pageant, concerts, and even an all-night gospel sing. Who can forget the traditional fair part - rides, lemonade stands, corn dog sellers, and cotton candy?
Whether your interest is political or you're simply looking to experience something uniquely Mississippi, the Neshoba County Fair is the place for you. It's political; it's relational; it's gustational; it is, quite simply, magical.
It's that time of year again - The Fair!
No, not the one with the corn dog stands where folks like my brother serve you fried meat on a stick, nor the kind of carnival where the laffy taffy is served up to people like my mother who love its taste but hate its can't-get-it-out-of-your-mouth chewiness.
I'm talking about THE Fair - the one where you're more likely to see a politician's face on a stick (being used to fan his or her political supporters) than fried meat. But hey, this fair has that too.
I'm talking about the Neshoba County Fair, of course, an event revered among the state's political class. The yearly trek to this Mississippi political mecca is made by nearly everyone who considers themselves to be even remotely politically inclined.
When I first dabbled my toe into the state's political waters (see: Barbour For Governor 2003), I had no idea what this supposed "fair" was. To use an old Haley Barbour phrase, I was just a pup back then.
My, how times have changed. These days, it's a rare year when you don't see me clearing my calendar to attend at least one day of the Fair.
The Fair is the hottest (both figuratively and literally) place to be in politics, especially during an election year. In attendance are the Who's Who of political operatives and their elected official bosses; in fact, I'd bet one of the requirements for making the "who's who" list is mandatory attendance. You simply can't be involved in Mississippi politics without a love of the Neshoba County Fair and its hot, steamy, and dusty fairgrounds.
While off-year fairs like this one are sure to be enjoyable, the election year fairs are not to be missed. Incumbent politicians and candidates flood the fairgrounds with campaign push cards, yard signs, and throngs of youngsters wearing "vote for my guy" t-shirts. Sometimes debates between candidates are held. Press conferences are scheduled on the front porches of fair cabins. If you're really lucky, you'll get to see a fight or two between rival campaign staffers who might have sipped a little too much from their red Dixie cups.
The Fair is where political legends are made - or, at the very least, where controversies take hold. At this gathering, politicians are expected to get their hands as dirty as your feet after a day's worth of trekking through the red clay. (Side note: If my years of experience is any indication, Neshoba County has more red clay per capita than any other county in this state, let alone nation.)
One of my favorite off-the-cuff comments is now a bit of Fair legend. It came from - who else? - former Governor Haley Barbour.
In his 2007 re-election campaign, Gov. Barbour was challenged by lawyer John Arthur Eaves, Jr., who was wealthy enough to finance his own campaign but not politically savvy enough to run an effective one. To make it for its lack of effectiveness, the Eaves campaign often made outrageous claims about Gov. Barbour's record in office, going so far as to liken the governor to Biblical "moneychangers in the temple." (I never fully understood that one.)
According to some news reports, the Eaves campaign allegedly told supporters that Eaves' new wife (from his second marriage) would "restore dignity to the governor's mansion."
By the time the Fair rolled around, well, let's just say the Barbour campaign had had enough of this slander, and the Governor's opening comments reflected this frustration. Here's the way it went down:
Governor Barbour, in typical fashion, opened his speech with something along the lines of "Hi, I'm Haley Barbour." He then brought former First Lady Marsha Barbour on stage, thanked her for their 35 years of marriage, and said the following: "That's right. I got my trophy wife the first time."
Bazinga!
The crowd went wild, as I recall, and I watched with both amusement and fascination. Admittedly, there were mixed reactions to this statement later. But it really brought back the flair - the thunder, if you will - of Fair speeches made by politicians from days gone by. Politics isn't for the faint of heart, and speeches at Neshoba aren't for those who are easily offended.
Now, I highly doubt we'll witness any real verbal jabs this year. I chuckled when I read a reporter's comment on Twitter a few days ago, in which she laments that "unless we can get a cage match" between politicians, the Fair "looks a little pale this year."
In case you go - and I highly recommend it - here are a few things to know. First, know your schedule (which can be found on neshobacountyfair.org). The political speaking lasts a couple of days, and you can catch folks like Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves and State Auditor Stacey Pickering on Wednesday, July 31. Gov. Bryant along with Speaker Philip Gunn will be speaking the following day, along with a litany of other elected officials.
Second, make friends. Fair regulars all know each other (I'm not kidding), especially those who have cabins on the fairgrounds. Cabin dwellers have established Fair communities closer knit than their neighborhoods back home. Endeavor to make friends at the Fair because it's easy...and beneficial. You'll find kindred spirits in fellow fair-goers and, if you're lucky, free food and drink. After all, that is the Fair way.
Third, despite my gushing about Fair politics, this event really is for everyone, not just the politicos. The Fair's schedule includes arts and craft shows, horse races, a beauty pageant, concerts, and even an all-night gospel sing. Who can forget the traditional fair part - rides, lemonade stands, corn dog sellers, and cotton candy?
Whether your interest is political or you're simply looking to experience something uniquely Mississippi, the Neshoba County Fair is the place for you. It's political; it's relational; it's gustational; it is, quite simply, magical.
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