Experts Agree: Reforming government no easy task

*First appeared in the August 8, 2013 edition of the Laurel Chronicle.

A few weeks ago, I set out on a mission to Jackson’s rare and used bookstore (for reference, google “Choctaw Books”) to find something truly unique. While I found something pretty special, I don’t know that I’d call it “unique.”

My purchase was the Report on a Survey of the Organization and Administration of State and County Government in Mississippi, a nearly 1,000-page bound report conducted by the Brookings Institution way back in 1932. (You may recognize this name, as Brookings was the first private organization devoted to the fact-based study of national public policy issues. Today, the organization is heralded as one of the foremost advocates for effective and efficient public service and government operations.)

In the early 30s, the Mississippi Legislature created a citizen-led Research Commission (which included Laurel-native Wallace B. Rogers) to conduct “expert investigation into, and study and analysis of all conditions of the state.” In turn, the Research Commission asked the Brookings Institution to study the state’s processes and make recommendations on reform.

I was reminded of all this last week when I read an editorial calling for state government to increase accountability, efficiency, and transparency. It’s a novel idea, but certainly not a new - nor a unique - one.

The editorial gave a few examples of areas that need reform, including the more than 200 agencies, boards, and commissions that are part of Mississippi's government largesse. Similarly, Brookings opined in 1932 that one of the chief defects in Mississippi's structure was the “scattering of related functions among many offices due to the creation of numerous independent boards and departments with little references to previously established offices...Mississippi finds itself possessed of a large number of more or less independent and uncorrelated agencies.”

Instead of consolidating boards and commissions, as Brookings recommended, eight decades later we’ve seen our boards and commissions grow by 150 percent than at the time the Brookings report was published.

Other recommendations from the 1932 report include converting elected positions, such as State Treasurer and Highway Commissioners, to gubernatorially-appointed positions requiring consent of the Senate.

Another novel, yet historically doomed, idea. Candidates, legislators, and lobbyists have been resistant to this concept.

Mississippians are used to voting on, well, everything. We may not know what the Treasurer does, but we sure as heck want to cast our vote for him or her. It gives us the feeling that "we're in control" but also drives up government costs. For example, our highway system is governed by three commissioners elected from their respective districts. This process can result in fragmented oversight and an apparent lack of accountability (which is likely why most every other state has transitioned to an appointed, not elected, highway commissioner system).

Of course, others have recommended major reforms as well. Especially with the onslaught of the recession, Gov. Barbour proposed major structural changes to the way government operates in order to reduce costs while increasing efficiencies. While some cost-cutting measures were adopted, most of these bold changes met great resistance in the Legislature.

They say the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over, yet expecting a different outcome. With that in mind, it seems those of us who believe government can be reformed have a touch of insanity.

But, I think there’s good reason to keep the reform mindset. Unlike when Gov. Barbour was in office, Republicans now have control of the Legislature and have promised real change. Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves appointed Sen. Nancy Collins to head up a newly-created Accountability, Efficiency, and Transparency committee to review creative reform ideas. The House of Representatives created a similar committee, and Gov. Bryant has voiced his support for government reforms.

So far, the Republican-led Legislature has made good on its promise, passing landmark legislation to consolidate certain struggling school districts and reduce the amount of vehicles owned by the state by prohibiting unnecessary car purchases. Together, these laws have saved taxpayer dollars while promoting efficiency.

Let’s hope our policymakers – legislators, agency heads, and government employees – heed the 1932 warning issued by the Brookings Institution that still applies today: “Mississippi can poorly afford to sanction worn-out methods, cumbersome organization, and diffusion of responsibility in its government simply because these conditions have prevailed for years.”

Red dirt, political speeches, and cabin dwelling means it's Fair time again

First appeared in the July 25, 2013, of the Laurel Chronicle.

It's that time of year again - The Fair!

No, not the one with the corn dog stands where folks like my brother serve you fried meat on a stick, nor the kind of carnival where the laffy taffy is served up to people like my mother who love its taste but hate its can't-get-it-out-of-your-mouth chewiness.

I'm talking about THE Fair - the one where you're more likely to see a politician's face on a stick (being used to fan his or her political supporters) than fried meat. But hey, this fair has that too.

I'm talking about the Neshoba County Fair, of course, an event revered among the state's political class. The yearly trek to this Mississippi political mecca is made by nearly everyone who considers themselves to be even remotely politically inclined.

When I first dabbled my toe into the state's political waters (see: Barbour For Governor 2003), I had no idea what this supposed "fair" was. To use an old Haley Barbour phrase, I was just a pup back then.

My, how times have changed. These days, it's a rare year when you don't see me clearing my calendar to attend at least one day of the Fair.

The Fair is the hottest (both figuratively and literally) place to be in politics, especially during an election year. In attendance are the Who's Who of political operatives and their elected official bosses; in fact, I'd bet one of the requirements for making the "who's who" list is mandatory attendance. You simply can't be involved in Mississippi politics without a love of the Neshoba County Fair and its hot, steamy, and dusty fairgrounds.

While off-year fairs like this one are sure to be enjoyable, the election year fairs are not to be missed. Incumbent politicians and candidates flood the fairgrounds with campaign push cards, yard signs, and throngs of youngsters wearing "vote for my guy" t-shirts. Sometimes debates between candidates are held. Press conferences are scheduled on the front porches of fair cabins. If you're really lucky, you'll get to see a fight or two between rival campaign staffers who might have sipped a little too much from their red Dixie cups.

The Fair is where political legends are made - or, at the very least, where controversies take hold. At this gathering, politicians are expected to get their hands as dirty as your feet after a day's worth of trekking through the red clay. (Side note: If my years of experience is any indication, Neshoba County has more red clay per capita than any other county in this state, let alone nation.)

One of my favorite off-the-cuff comments is now a bit of Fair legend. It came from - who else? - former Governor Haley Barbour.

In his 2007 re-election campaign, Gov. Barbour was challenged by lawyer John Arthur Eaves, Jr., who was wealthy enough to finance his own campaign but not politically savvy enough to run an effective one. To make it for its lack of effectiveness, the Eaves campaign often made outrageous claims about Gov. Barbour's record in office, going so far as to liken the governor to Biblical "moneychangers in the temple." (I never fully understood that one.)

According to some news reports, the Eaves campaign allegedly told supporters that Eaves' new wife (from his second marriage) would "restore dignity to the governor's mansion."

By the time the Fair rolled around, well, let's just say the Barbour campaign had had enough of this slander, and the Governor's opening comments reflected this frustration. Here's the way it went down:

Governor Barbour, in typical fashion, opened his speech with something along the lines of "Hi, I'm Haley Barbour." He then brought former First Lady Marsha Barbour on stage, thanked her for their 35 years of marriage, and said the following: "That's right. I got my trophy wife the first time."

Bazinga!

The crowd went wild, as I recall, and I watched with both amusement and fascination. Admittedly, there were mixed reactions to this statement later. But it really brought back the flair - the thunder, if you will - of Fair speeches made by politicians from days gone by. Politics isn't for the faint of heart, and speeches at Neshoba aren't for those who are easily offended.

Now, I highly doubt we'll witness any real verbal jabs this year. I chuckled when I read a reporter's comment on Twitter a few days ago, in which she laments that "unless we can get a cage match" between politicians, the Fair "looks a little pale this year."

In case you go - and I highly recommend it - here are a few things to know. First, know your schedule (which can be found on neshobacountyfair.org). The political speaking lasts a couple of days, and you can catch folks like Lt. Gov. Tate Reeves and State Auditor Stacey Pickering on Wednesday, July 31. Gov. Bryant along with Speaker Philip Gunn will be speaking the following day, along with a litany of other elected officials.

Second, make friends. Fair regulars all know each other (I'm not kidding), especially those who have cabins on the fairgrounds. Cabin dwellers have established Fair communities closer knit than their neighborhoods back home. Endeavor to make friends at the Fair because it's easy...and beneficial. You'll find kindred spirits in fellow fair-goers and, if you're lucky, free food and drink. After all, that is the Fair way.

Third, despite my gushing about Fair politics, this event really is for everyone, not just the politicos. The Fair's schedule includes arts and craft shows, horse races, a beauty pageant, concerts, and even an all-night gospel sing. Who can forget the traditional fair part - rides, lemonade stands, corn dog sellers, and cotton candy?

Whether your interest is political or you're simply looking to experience something uniquely Mississippi, the Neshoba County Fair is the place for you. It's political; it's relational; it's gustational; it is, quite simply, magical.

From MDES to Medicaid, legislators no strangers to reauthorization fights

*First appeared in the Laurel Chronicle on July 4, 2013


The recent debate in Jackson on whether the state should expand its taxpayer-funded Medicaid program in accordance with the Affordable Care Act (ACA; also known as “Obamacare”) brought back certain legislative memories.

Call me crazy, but there seems to be a trend – both in the way D.C. promotes adoption of its policies under the current president and the way in which Mississippi legislators use repealers to their political advantage.

Consider the way in which Medicaid expansion is pitched to the states by President Obama. States can expand Medicaid eligibility and add thousands of beneficiaries to the rolls, but it won’t cost one cent…at least not yet. It’s the “expand now, pay later” scenario so popular with this administration. More on that later.

In the special session which ended this weekend, the Legislature reauthorized Medicaid so that it legally exists to provide health insurance to the state’s poor. (Sidebar: Generally speaking, state agencies and other programs have repeal dates, much like expiration dates, which must be acted on by the Legislature lest the programs shutdown.)

The reauthorization process didn’t come without controversy, however, as Democrats and Republicans fought over whether Mississippi should expand its Medicaid program. Ultimately, Republicans got their way, and the Legislature reauthorized the program without expanding it. Expansion may happen in the future, of course, but Republicans took the prudent approach in delaying major changes until more information about the ACA is known.

A look at yesteryear may shed light on why the most recent Medicaid reauthorization debate – and the threats about the program being shutdown - shouldn’t surprise anyone who follows the Obama Administration and Mississippi politics in general.

I’m reminded of another initiative the Administration and its allies tried to implement in Mississippi. A lesser known part of Obama’s famous stimulus package, the Unemployment Insurance Modernization Act gave states “free” money to expand unemployment programs. If states adopted certain policies, such as paying unemployment compensation to individuals who worked part-time, the federal government would pay for any additional costs– at least, temporarily. Sound familiar?

Since unemployment insurance was part of my policy portfolio, I spent a great deal of time working on this issue for former Gov. Barbour. His opposition to expanding the state’s unemployment program was shared by Republicans in the Legislature who recognized this regulation change would have created additional taxes on businesses once the stimulus money ran out.

Democrats disagreed and refused to reauthorize the Mississippi Department of Employment Security. While Democrats toted the water for the President’s liberal unemployment programs, the future of MDES, its employees, and others – such as unemployment insurance recipients and workforce trainees – was in jeopardy.

Ultimately, Gov. Barbour was able to negotiate a compromise to reauthorize the agency without expanding eligibility to part-time workers.

But, that wasn’t the first time Democrats used MDES as a pawn in legislative games. In fact, when MDES’s repealer came up in the 2008 session, Democrats refused to approve its reauthorization until Republicans agreed to increase the state’s unemployment benefits. The agency was eventually reauthorized in a special session Gov. Barbour called to deal with the issue.

In recent history, we’ve seen Democrats threaten the very existence of state agencies as a negotiation tactic to push the agenda they share with President Obama – even if it results in tax increases or additional costs to the state.
But to solely blame Democrats is a bit misleading, as both parties are guilty of using Machiavellian legislative tactics to achieve their goals, whether that’s actually making a policy change or simply raising the public’s awareness of an issue.

So, I guess my real point is this: The recent fight over Medicaid expansion is just one more example of current political trends in D.C. and Jackson.

The trend coming out of D.C. is Obama’s fondness for the “no money up front” pitch in which states can opt into expanded programs without additional costs…until a few years down the road, when the expanded programs (Medicaid, unemployment insurance, etc.) are simply too established to repeal. It’s actually a clever strategy, when it works.

The trend coming out of Jackson is one that’s been going on since before I joined the motley crue of Magnolia State politicos, and it is simple: The Mississippi Legislature loves a repealer. Seriously, check nearly any law that establishes an agency or a new program, and there will be a section that calls for the abolishment of the program on a date certain…unless the Legislature acts.

In theory, this provides a strategic advantage for legislators who threaten to shut down the agency unless certain conditions are met. But in practice, as I’ve witnessed, shutting down a government program is the exception, not the rule…even if the headlines scream differently.

Budget surplus: Old “problem” in new economy

*First appeared in the Laurel Chronicle on June 27, 2013

About the same time the economy collapsed, I began working in earnest on the state’s budget as part of Gov. Barbour’s budget policy team. (Note: There was no correlation between my working on the budget & dwindling tax revenues.)

In 2007, Mississippi’s fiscal situation was beginning to crumble: After enjoying years of healthy revenue growth, Mississippi’s collections tanked alongside the rest of the states’.

To get a sense of the impending financial doom, read from Gov. Barbour’s executive budget recommendation for Fiscal Year 2009: “We have to recognize the national economy has been softening. Serious troubles in the financial markets have not only generated pessimism but also have caused a real credit crunch…This will require considerable budget discipline. It means we’ll have to tell some people ‘No;’ it means some good things won’t get funded or won’t get as much funding as some people would like.”

The week before the FY 2009 budget recommendation was published, the front page of the Wall Street Journal had proclaimed, “States prepare to tighten belts as growth in revenue slows.” And the State Economist at the time warned lawmakers that sales tax receipts for July through December 2007 (the first half of the FY 2008 fiscal year) had increased only one-tenth of one percent.

For comparison purposes, consider the following: Gov. Barbour had proposed to increase spending in FY 2008 (the year before the downturn) by 7.5 percent; in FY 2009, he proposed a cautionary 0.4 percent increase.

Although the Legislature and Governor approved a modest budget to prepare for the downturn, it wasn’t enough. Lower-than-expected revenues forced Gov. Barbour to trim spending by $200 million in FY 2009. The sluggish economy required the Governor to cut the following year’s budget five times, or a reduction of $466 million in FY 2010.

Since that time, budgetary caution has been the name of the spending game…until now, perhaps. Earlier this month, we learned the state was on its way to a budget surplus for the current fiscal year, which ends this weekend (June 30). The House Appropriations chairman told another newspaper the surplus would likely be a “substantial” amount around $300 million.

As a friend of mine would say, that’s a lot of skrilla (translation: money).

Just think – Gov. Barbour’s first round of cuts in FY 2010 was roughly $171.9 million. Fast-forward to FY 2013 when the state’s tax collections for May exceeded the estimate by the same amount.

We must remember that for the last five or so years, lawmakers have rightly weighed spending against anemic revenue growth to determine budgeting priorities. A budget surplus? Well, that’s a new one on the current class at the State Capitol.

Already, groups are laying claim to the money. The Parents’ Campaign, which lobbies for education funding, sent an email blast to its members asking them to contact their legislators: “Ask them to commit to using the surplus to fully fund the MAEP before it is spent on other things.” (MAEP is the formula used to determine how much money goes to schools.)

At their annual meeting two weeks ago, Mississippi supervisors talked about the need to find additional money for programs like healthcare implementation and homestead exemption. There’s a legislative task force aimed at finding additional revenue for our state’s highway infrastructure. No one can ignore the rising costs of programs like Medicaid and the state retirement system, both of which will gobble up additional revenue.

For a few years, the Capitol-types (lobbyists, state agencies, etc.) recognized they simply weren’t going to get as much money as they wanted – if they got any at all. Policymakers were open to considering cost-cutting reform measures because they had to be. Now, with a budget surplus on the horizon, that mindset will likely vanish. Legislators, especially those on the money committees, can expect a little extra attention during the coming session.

Legislators can use the surplus in three ways: 1) increase funding for priority areas, like education; 2) reduce taxes to spur growth; and 3) set aside money for a “rainy day.” A likely scenario includes some combination of these options.

Until a final budget is adopted, legislators should be prepared for an onslaught of new spending options. Emboldened by a revenue surplus, state agencies and lobbyists will fight tooth and nail for a larger piece of the budgetary pie. While some of the longer-serving lawmakers remember the pre-recessionary days when revenue wasn’t as tight, a large part of the current class isn’t used to this much money – or the pressures that come with it.

It’s an old problem, for sure, but the reality is that Mississippi isn’t in the clear yet. While our revenues may be higher than expected, our economic picture is still slow to brighten. According to the latest stats, the state’s unemployment rate was tied for the second-highest in the nation with close to 120,000 Mississippians unemployed. Getting people back to work will take time, and revenues won’t fully catch back up until the employment situation bounces back.

Top political movers and playmakers have Jones County roots

*First appeared in Laurel Chronicle on June 13, 2013.

Growing up in Jones County, I often found myself cruising down Old Bay, watching plays at the Laurel Little Theatre, or enjoying a milkshake at the still-delicious P.D.I.’s. Early on in the Free State, I learned about how our neck of the woods contributed to a state, regional, and global impact – from companies like Sanderson Farms, the third largest poultry producer in the United States, to Howard Industries, one of the world’s largest manufacturers of distribution transformers.

What I didn’t realize, however, is that our county’s footprint went beyond these corporate giants. In fact, Jones Countians can also take pride in the Pine Belt’s impact on the state’s political class.

Rickey Cole, the head of the Mississippi Democratic Party, hails from Ovett. A candidate for state agriculture commissioner in 2007, Cole has been involved in more than 20 Democratic political campaigns since 1982. Splitting his time between Ovett, where he still helps manage the family farm, and Jackson, where he serves as a consultant with the Eaves law firm, Cole has a long history of Democratic activism across the state. His contributions to the Democratic Party haven’t gone unnoticed, as he is currently in his second term as chairman of the Democratic Party.

On the opposite end of the spectrum, Mississippi Republican Party chairman Joe Nosef has Laurel roots as his wife, former Amy Wallace, grew up here. (Heard of Wallace Drugs? Of course you have. That’s the same family.) Years ago, Joe and I worked together as part of Governor Haley Barbour’s Office. We’d often discuss Laurel – its charming downtown and oak-lined historic district – since he had spent considerable time here with Amy. Although Nosef is a Clarksdale native, he embraced the uniqueness of our city beautiful and our Free State.

Speaking of Jones County Republicans, one of the state’s most well-known political families is from within our borders: The Pickerings. Located in the West Jones area, this family has produced household names in Mississippi politics. Let’s start with retired federal judge Charles Pickering, whose record of involvement in public service is lengthy. He has served in virtually all levels of government – from municipal to federal. A former municipal judge, Pickering also served in the Mississippi State Senate. In the 1970s, Pickering was chairman of the Mississippi Republican Party and was later appointed by the first President Bush to a federal judgeship.

His appointment in 2001 by President George W. Bush to serve on the Fifth Circuit would not come without controversy. Senate Democrats made national headlines when they chose to filibuster this Bush appointee on the grounds of his stance on abortion, as well as unsubstantiated claims that Pickering sympathized with racists. I should note that Charles Evers, brother of slain civil rights activist Medgar Evers (whose slaying occurred 50 years ago this week), openly supported Pickering’s nomination, along with other notable civil rights leaders. Ultimately, Pickering chose to withdraw his nomination, thus ending the filibuster debacle.

(Speaking of Judge Pickering, let’s not forget one of his former law partners, Carrol Gartin. You’ll probably recognize that name from the widely-used road in the city known as Carrol Gartin Boulevard. A Democrat, Gartin is a Laurel native who served three terms as Mississippi’s Lieutenant Governor during the 1950s and early 1960s.)

Judge Pickering’s son has also played on the national stage as a former member of the United States House of Representatives. Congressman Chip Pickering graduated from R.H. Watkins High School and attended college at both Ole Miss and Baylor University. He served as a member of former Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott’s staff before staging his own successful congressional campaign in 1997. In 2008, the Laurel native opted to return to Mississippi to pursue a career in the private sector.

Nephew to Judge Pickering is Stacey Pickering, whom most of Laurel knows as “neighbor” and the rest of the state knows as State Auditor. Prior to his election as State Auditor, Pickering served in the state senate, like his uncle before him. Pickering graduated from West Jones High School and attended both Jones County Junior College as well as Samford University. He earned a Master’s Degree from New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary. He and his wife, Whitney, still live in Laurel with their four children.

From political party leaders to state senators; from federal judges to congressmen, Jones County natives have made a big impact on the state of Mississippi politics. So the next time you’re thinking about all the great things our county has to offer - from its charm to its corporate giants – I encourage you to consider the political side of our Free State.

The politics of giving: Legislative charity bad public policy

*First appeared in the Laurel Chronicle on May 30, 2013.


“Contributions to Charity X are tax deductible.” This phrase is often part of a fundraising strategy to bolster donations to charity or non-profit organizations. It’s a good angle, you see, because it plays on something we all want – to pay fewer taxes to the government.

This scenario is the intended result of a tax policy structured to incentivize donations to charities and non-profits. It relies on and rewards individual choice – that is, individuals are free to choose which organizations to financially support and, in return, are given a tax break for their contributions.

Interestingly, a contrary practice is authorized nearly every year at the state Capitol. This practice is one that originates in the oft-overlooked “Local and Private” committees through the rubber-stamping of bills that redirect taxpayer dollars to government-preferred charities or non-profits.

For as long as I have been following legislative politics, legislators have picked winners and losers in the charity and non-profit realm. For example, the 2011 legislative session included passage of House Bill 1452, which authorized Tunica County Supervisors to contract with and/or contribute up to $450,000 of taxpayer dollars to Mid-State Opportunity, Inc., for costs associated with “youth programs, an energy assistance program for the elderly, disabled and low income and other services to the needy citizens of the county.”

I wonder if legislators who voted on this bill requested information on what the organization does, how it operates, or its record of success?

In 2009, the Legislature passed Senate Bill 3283, which authorized the Kemper County Supervisors to donate up to $5,000 to the local Boys and Girls Club. In this same session, legislators approved a bill (Senate Bill 3212) that allowed Pike County Supervisors to make “annual donations for charitable uses” of taxpayer dollars to the Salvation Army and Southwest Mississippi Christian Outreach during the 2009, 2010, and 2011 calendar years.

Aren’t residents of Kemper and Pike Counties able to contribute directly to these groups without a government pass-through?

To be fair, I don’t know a single legislator who really “champions” this type of legislation. In fact, many times legislators simply file bills at the behest of their local supervisors or city councilmen. But during a period when revenues at all levels – city, county, and state – are deflated, does it make financial sense for the government to redirect taxpayer dollars away from its core services?

More important, however, is recognizing the precedent this sets for the government’s role in financial management. Government exists to protect individual rights and freedoms. Bills that repurpose taxpayer dollars to government-preferred charities and non-profits undermine our economic freedom: the freedom to choose just how we want to spend our money.

The argument isn’t whether Mid-State Opportunity, Inc., Boys and Girls Clubs, the Salvation Army, or Southwest Mississippi Christian Outreach deserve financial support. I know many of these groups provide meaningful services in our communities. But individuals, not governments, should be the sole decision-makers when it comes to donating money to such groups. Individual contributions are already encouraged by existing tax policies.

Usurping taxpayer dollars for “charitable” purposes is bad public policy. If it’s going to continue, I propose some tax-filing flexibility. In addition to direct contributions to charities, a portion of the taxes we pay to the government should also become tax deductible since they are often used as “charitable contributions” by virtue of legislative action.

Something tells me that lawmakers would balk at this proposal which necessarily reduces individual taxes and, as a result, state revenues. So much for charity.

House Democrats eye local positions after Republican take-over

*First appeared in The Laurel Chronicle on May 23, 2013


In November 2011, Republican officials, party leaders, and political hacks celebrated as the GOP gained control of the Mississippi House of Representatives for the first time since Reconstruction. This historic victory was cemented by the subsequent election of Rep. Philip Gunn, R-Clinton, as Speaker of the House – the first Republican Speaker in more than 130 years.

For those of you who don’t follow state political shuffling, the Republican take-over of the House brought with it a sea-change of power and responsibilities. For now, gone are the days when former Speaker Billy McCoy, D-Rienzi, ruled the House chamber with an iron fist, squelching Republican opposition by all means necessary.

Especially during McCoy’s last term as Speaker, Republicans were the red-headed stepchildren: No Republicans were appointed to chair committees nor asked to serve on the Joint Legislative Budget Committee, the bicameral body tasked with developing a plan to spend your taxpayer dollars. The McCoy House provided scarce an opportunity for Republicans to pass legislation important to the GOP.

(While Speaker McCoy ran a tough House, it’s only fair to mention that he was a strong partner to Governor Haley Barbour on issues like economic development.)

With a new Republican Speaker, roles have shifted. No longer can Democrats employ the hardball tactics used during the McCoy era; the numbers simply aren’t there. But in the Republican House, Democrats aren’t entirely boxed out of major committee chairmanships (in fact, several Democrats lead prominent House committees), and the joint budget committee includes two House Democrats.

Despite the (mostly) congenial spirit of the new House majority, Democrats recognize the absolute power they once enjoyed is the process of old. The shift seems to have taken its toll on morale, with Democrat stalwarts like Rep. Steve Holland of Plantersville claiming this term will be his last in the Legislature.

For what it’s worth, I have wondered if this monumental shift is the root cause of legislators looking elsewhere to further their political careers – by throwing their hats into mayoral races across the state.

Rep. George Flaggs, Jr., a Democrat from Vicksburg, recently won a tight race in that city to become its next mayor. An affable man with a knack for making deals, Rep. Flaggs’ new position means the House has lost one of its most well-known Democrat personalities.

Democrat Rep. Kelvin Buck beat out three-term Mayor André DeBerry in his effort to become the leader of Holly Springs. Similarly, Rep. Billy Broomfield defeated incumbent Mayor Aneice Liddell in the Moss Point election. He will face two independent candidates in the June general election.

Despite name recognition and strong family ties, including his dad who is the current mayor of Clarksdale, Rep. Chuck Espy lost his primary battle against former gubernatorial candidate and businessman Bill Luckett. I watched with great interest the mayoral race in Laurel, “the City Beautiful,” in which Democrat Rep. Omeria Scott got enough votes to make it to the primary run-off against sitting Councilman Johnny Magee. But Scott’s momentum wasn’t ultimately enough to edge out Councilman Magee in the May 21st election.

The House stands to lose at least three of its Democrats to mayoral positions – a collective loss of 55 years of experience and a lot of institutional knowledge. After all, a successful mayoral bid means these legislators will hang up their hat at the state capitol and move on to city hall.

It’s not unusual for politicians to seek out the “next big thing.” For some of these legislators, perhaps running for mayor is that logical next step. Perhaps they simply saw a clear path to victory in these races. Or perhaps this renewed interest in municipal politics is an indication that Democrats don’t want to play second fiddle in the Republican majority House.

It’s not surprising legislators, particularly long-serving Democrats, are eyeing other positions. It makes sense, given the mantra “out with the old; in with the new” echoing through the Capitol hallways nowadays. For many old guard Democrats (and even some Republicans), the time has come to step aside as freshmen members – mostly younger with less experience – start anew at the Legislature.

But that’s not a bad thing. Generally speaking, younger generations are open to new ideas. Their inexperience can be an asset, as they’re not entrenched in the idea of doing things “the way they’ve always been done.” Even sensitive issues like race become less divisive as younger generations (both black and white) are further removed from the sins of our past.

In some respects, a new majority in the House is having a domino effect on state politics: The Republican take-over is causing some Democrats to think twice about their continued role in the state legislature. This disenchantment is paving the way for a new class of younger, less experienced legislators – which just might slowly lead to a new kind of thinking in Jackson.

Things aren’t looking so good for the coalition of the status quo.